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"F^r thirty y^ar-; disappointed men and J radical revolutionUtsh.Tve(in noinstanc-' | more than what regards tifc late event* at Manchester, through an Uubridted, unpiinciplod, and lirentious press) vili- i •,! and defamed every person and au- fh-uity employed to conduct the affairs of rhis country.—Their motives, actions, and measures were uniformly represented u rowj and coirupt. Our laws were as- ^erted to be partial, and our Judges tools of tyrannic Ministers. Th» peo¬ ple have been taught that ihey owed nei¬ ther respect, regard, nor submission to gtny constituted authority. The conse¬ quences are such as we m«^ta!l deplore. Thoy are such as now -threaten to over¬ whelm all thiil is venerable in cue com- S3 on ruin. The aspect of the times is indeed np- pallbg, T!ie dangers which threaten this country are greater (ban four fifths of her population believe. These exceed in magnitude every idea that even those who are accelerating llic evils can form. The social chain is broken, the links are scattered abroad, and it most be a bold n :Ja Jirm hand who can collect and unite tliem. As fir«< in authority, rank, and pro- perty in tiiis country—a prince aoiougthe people—your Grace must, in the hour of danger, give a tone to their spirit and their proceedings, and an impuUe to the resolutions and courage of the loyal and the brave. Commercial distress is deep. It will he deeper. The causes of this amongst all nations are beyond the power of any government to remove or control. My Lord Duke, it is not the labourer alone Mho feels distress. Ranks above the la¬ bouring feel equally severely. Vet, for this, are they to prove traitors to their country? The winter will bring keener distresses to all. The poor ought to be and will be relieved. Bur to «et this tfoue, the innocent mus.t be separated from the guilty. Give loyalty a rallying point, and this desirable object is attain¬ ed,. XhereaUy disire-ssoJ ar-e $att&w\g severely, but in silenceand with patience. It is not want altogether which occasions tue dangers that at present menace this ccuntry. No ! it is chiefly occasioned by men constantly employed, and who are earning from S*y". to 50/. per week. These lead, mislead, and are misled. Several of their flags and caps of liberty cost nine uud ten guineas each ! This shows no poverty. This ou-lit to be known. This, ought to be repressed. Such proceed¬ ings check the springs of charity, and dry up the fountains of employment. it is an alarming fact that the peacea¬ ble and industrious dare notfollow their lawful pursuits. They are forced to conceal their feelings or join the ranks of disorder. Loyalty to the Sovereign and obedience to the laws are become crimes.—The Shopkeeper dares not de¬ mand what is due to him ; Officers of the Revenue are boldly told, that a few weeks will relieve all of Government burdens ; Justices are told to their face, that to obtaiu Universal Suffrage its vo¬ taries are ready to march to the block. The character of our countrymen is changed. The female character *3 alter¬ ed and debased ; with fury in their faces, they mount the hustiu^s to place caps of liberty on the heads of men, intending to pierce their country to the heart; moth¬ ers have sunrsi to nurture their children in demoralizing principles. Sedition aid treason only thrive : principles are planted and rioted in the minds of a great mass of ojr population, which will take half a century to eradicate, .^■d which for years, (if not kept by force from rebellion) will leave this once hap¬ py country Ui a fever of anxiety and alarm. Roll back the torrent of revolution—free our minds from alarm—our dwellings from plunder—our cities from blood ; or, if it is too late to stop their progress, it least give us an opportunity, under tbe banners of loyalty, to fall like brave men, and not be butchered like d&gs. Alive to the interests of my country, I feel the dangers which assail her. These alone employ my mind and guide my pen. The organ of no party—the de¬ pendent of none—I have communicated my sentiments with freedom, but I hope with respect; and with this I remain, &c, A BRITISH SUBJECT. Glasgow Nov. 5th, 1818. FROM THE MORNING POST. The following is an extract of a letter from a gentleman iu Edinburgh who has lately been in (heneighbourhood of Glas¬ gow, Paisley, Hamilton. &c, who seems perfectly acquainted with the disaffected in that t'uai ter :— '• I am sorry to inform you that there j is .iLely to be the devil to pay in the west; I have been much among them and find that nothing is passing with them but li¬ berty and equality. Strong measures mubt be resorted to, and th»t speedily, or we shall have a general insurrection in the country. Whijp and Tories in that quarter are all agreed in this, and the Duke of Hamilton has charged his tone wonderfully since his famous letter to the Manchester Reformers. We think here that he would now give a s»reat deal to recal that ra:>h and Jbottsh epistle, which docs not appear to have had much effect in conciliating them) for the weav¬ ers of Hamilton have made a Calculation that the Duke's own estates would afford them nine acres u-pieec" For Ail 1, Kington Chronicle. Mji LETTER No. & To ROBERT H'JLSII; £** Having, I trust, demonstrated tint *rre?!n'er *vn\".,' "•"' i(wwW> •"•* „i*»« ~lww- tiuus, than the most frantic democrat ever attributed to those iu England. I wa^o- ing to compare a few of the decisions of Congress with th6se of the British Par¬ liament upon questions of delkacy and importance, to shew that the results were agreeable to the formation of the two Legislatures, but fearing that your pa¬ tience may be exhausted bv dwelling so long upon your preface, I shall postpone this part of my subject mid proceed to the body of your work. Your first section treats of the politi¬ cal and mercantile jealousy of Great Britain towards the Colonies. To prove the greatness of this jealousy you begin with quoting from the Edin¬ burgh Review a splendid anticipation of the power and greatness of America in little less than a century ; and having thus gratified, by the help of these Jour¬ nalists, your oWtl vanity, and that of your countrymen, jou proceed to what you consider proofs of J our accusation. in the selection of the>e you are particu¬ larly unfortunate, for you are obliged to admit that other fchmipeau powers estab¬ lished and maintained in their settlements on this Continent, a stricter commercial monopoly, and a more aruifrary system of administration. Now these, of all others, are the most precious gifts that could have been bestow*. d upon you, and are sufficient to prove the reverse of the position which you endeavour to main¬ tain, iiiU instead of admitting this, you con¬ sider every obligation cane* lied, because ihe Colonies were sometimes treated with little courtesy ; and iu direct contradic¬ tion to your own admission, you aver [ that England conceived the earliest fears RftSgjoq, and the teachers of religion, | °f <ll!r supremacy, and the keenest 70J.Lt- ■- are particularly denounced. The con- t^mplated revolution canuot be accom¬ plished, without tearing its precepts and tonsolatious from the human heart. Vov rhis purpose, a pr*itigutc press renders the most efficient aid. Ifyouwanta revolution, said Mira> beau, you must begin by destroying re¬ ligion. As long as there is religion, there will be royalty, said a member of the French Convention. They abolish¬ ed religion. We know the consequen¬ ces, the throne fell with the altar ! Ter¬ rors, destruction, and death, overspread, and must overspread, every such frantic nation. The dangers of the country are increa¬ sed and increasing. The Radicals will oppose force to force. They are prepa¬ red for and expect it. Radical books of remembrance are kept, and.rank and au¬ thority are denounced—this man for pro¬ perty—that man for loyalty—are inscri¬ bed in the fearful roll. Various weap¬ ons of destruction and arms are made— are bought—are collected and prepared for the day of battle and of war. The insignia of rebellion is displayed. The tri-coloured flag, that meteor denoting change and ruin—blood and murder— carried by armed men, parades our streets. It is unfurled, my Lord Duke, hut we cannot tell how or when it may be folded up. Even children M our doors and infants at our firesides proclaim there is dauger, because the " Radicals have got guns and swords.'1 Are we to fee] no anxiety on the occasion, or treat all these ominous appearances as a dream ? As the Representative of a Sovereign— the father of his people—we approach your Grace to point out our dangers. Bearing his commission^ suffer not his grey hair, to fall with deeper sorrow into the grave. Rouse yourself, my Lord Duke? at the «alls of a distracted coutt- try. Hope! the pftpllipls of IrcJ-on. teal and mercantile jealousy. Allowing, for the sake of argument, some truth in this accusation, it is neces¬ sary, in order to ascertain its weight, to advert to the period of settling the Col¬ onies, and the prejudices which then and lor nearly two centuries after, pre¬ vailed among all the European nations. In the reigns of Elizabeth and James, we find many prejudices against Colonies and emigration, which are now consider¬ ed as quite ridiculous, and without any foundation IB truth, and yet, according to the received opinions of these ages* they were extremely natural ; but you have not the catiduuj to notice this, "and you lead your readers to expect that the policy of Great Britain at that period ought to have been as enlightened to¬ wards her Colonies, as it is now. You are careful to conceal dates, and what were fuultscommon to the a^e, you en¬ deavour to fasten upon Eugland3ascrimes. But if it can be proved that the British Colonies were much moie favoured than those of any other European Power, and that in all commercial regulations, they were considered rather as integral parts of the Empire^ than dependants, your ac¬ cusations will not only fall to the jround, but recoil upon your own head. Jt will not be necessary, in doing this, to dwell particularly on the tedious quo¬ tations and desultory le.narks in which you indulge, and which have sometimes induced me to think that ) our work had been written either to make money from from its feeding the malignity of your countrymen against Great Britain, or to try from experiment how far the people of the States arc disposed to sacrifice truth to tl»« gratification of their vanity and insolence, but I shall leave nothing unanswered that seems, either directly or indirectly, to bear upuu the question. Vour fintproof oJ England's political and mercantile jealoim, is contained inn rjfsalattan-fcrtii Uiucc'jili] tory. ** WJial chietly rrnu{crs the reign of James memo¬ rable, is thte commencement of the Eng¬ lish Colonic^ jn America,—Colonics es¬ tablished oin (he noblest footing that has been known, 'many age or country. Spec¬ ulative reaMoners during that age raised many objections to the planting these re¬ mote COloniies ; and foretold that after draining thi.-ir raother country of inhabit* an ts they w«ould soon shake off her yoke, and erect aui independent Government in America.?> The first part of this extract, instead of jealousy, breathes admiration, and the Second is to be praised more for its great sagacity, than its hostility to Colonies, which were indeed commencing, but which could hardly be said to exi^t. It were cruel to condemn men for usiug the liberty of thinking ; and such is the tar¬ dy progress of knowledge, that thousands —nay millions—on both sides the Atlan¬ tic, still cherish like apprehensions.— How long is it since dark forebodings were entertained among vour countrv- men, least emigration (o the Western States should depopulate those iu the East. Every person acquainted with the sci¬ ence of political economy is aware, that till Hume's political essays appeared, its most Mm pi* elements were misunder¬ stood. Mr. Smith, in his Wealth of Na¬ tions, enten more deeply and likewise more ininufe'y into the subject ; and that part which treats of population is par¬ ticularly illustrated \,y Mr. Mai thus ; but as these gentlemen did not flourish till more tM" a century after Charles '2nd, it can hardly be attributed to that age as n crime, that their discoveries were unknown. It is thus However that you reason,— because a Fe* men doubted of the pro¬ priety of emigration, you conjure up their opirioi*^ as proofs of political and commercial jealousy. This not ouFy evinces iveah logic, but a diseased imag¬ ination, or * deplorable perversion of judgment. press was allowed durioj the reigns of Charles 2d and James, ii Virginia, Xew England, and Xew York and you quote Sir William Berkeley a* saying, in his official report, u I thank lod we have no free schools, nor any jrintiug, and I hope we shall not have tlem these bun¬ dled years." These seniments are not to be justified, though th*y are still en¬ tertained by many good ncn. But that Sir William Berkely was not unfriendly to liberty is sufficiently nanifest from the fact, that when living in retirement du- ring Cromwell's usurpation, he was for¬ ced by the people to assume the Govern¬ ment. Such was their Urve and respect for this excellent man. Thb accusation, likec^her* which you have selected, appears, according to the spirit of the present age, particularly heinous ; but deprive it of its covering and it loses all its strength, 1st. There were during the greater part of the reit;n <;f Eliza In th7 no news¬ papers printed'in' England, and only one named the Gallo Ih-lgicus towards the latter end. in 1663 Sir Roger I/Es- trange set up a newspaper called w*The Public Intelligencer and the News;M which continued to be published twice u week till the 10th January 1GG3, when it was laid down For the purpose of pub¬ lishing the London Gazette, so railed iV"in its being sold for a piece of money called a gozct. Since ihat period the ui.mbcr of newspapers have gradually increased. Cud. In the year 1720or 1721 there was only one newspaper published in IS. America, and that w-os the Boston News* Letter, in 1771 there were twenty live. These f»o facts enable us to detect the false induction, bv which here, and through all yonr work, you endeavour to turn white into black and sweet into bit¬ ter. You canner pretend that there was any coercion 011 l-ie press iu the colonies af¬ ter the revolution of 16S8, and yet no find only one newspaper in 1721—a pe¬ riod of thirtj three )ears. What was 1 the cause of this ? Not the prohibition of Government, but the want of curiosity in the people* Newspapers would not sell, and were therefore not printed. Persons ce-oversant iu literary history know (hat Newspapers, Magazines, fte- 1 views, &C aw of very recent origin—very few daily or weekly journals are one hundred ycais old, and the Magazines and Reviews have been almost all estab¬ lished within sixty years* To bring for¬ ward therefore an accusation against Great Britain., that her policy was di¬ rected 10 shu: out knowledge from the Colonics is contradicted by facts. The moment that printing became profitable, it was established ; and the reason w.-y few books were published was the same as that which prevented the erection of other manufactures. Books as well as broad cloth c^uld be imported from Eng¬ land much cheaper thai, they could be afforded, if made in the Colonies. In regard to books. Journals, fee, or native publications) the same cause prevented (heir wide circulation till within a very few y« ars ; and even now the best stand¬ ard works can generally be brought from Loudon in a cheaper and more elegant form than tin y can be afforded by pub¬ lishers iu the United States. Let js now see how far you are sup¬ ported iu this accusation by Dr. Ramsay, tbe favourite historian of America. kw The provincial Constitutions of the English Colonies nurtured a spirit of lib- «i 1, - The King and Government of (rival /'»ii.no ht Ui no patronage iu A me- lica which could create a portion o( at* tJi!:::i ;:t u;rd tuiUunfeCj sufficient to counteract that spirit Ui popo? ir Assem¬ blies, which, when left to itself, illy brooks any authority that interferes with its own. The inhabitants of (he Colo¬ nies from the beginning, e^pe.cnlly in New England, enjoyed a Government which was hut little short of being inde¬ pendent. They had not only the image but the substance of the British Consti¬ tution. They chose most of their Ma¬ gistrates and paid them all. They had in effect the sole direction of their inter¬ nal Government. The chief mark ol their subordination consisted in their ma¬ king no laws repugnant to the laws of their mother country—their submitting such laws as they made to be repealed by the King—and their obeying such restric¬ tions as were laid on their trade by par¬ liament. The latter were often evaded, and with impunity. The other small checks were scarcely felt, and for a long time were in no respects injurious to their interests." The second proof of the political and mercantile jealousy of Great Britain to¬ wards theCoIouies is equally weak with the first. You say that " the Fisheries, Shipping, and Foreign West India ttade of the Colonies had scarcely become per¬ ceptible before the British Merchants and West India planters caught and sounded the alarm. As soon as the Col- onist3? in the progress ot wealth and pop¬ ulation, undertook to manufacture for their own consumption a few articles of the first necessity, such as Hats, Paper, Sec. a clamour was raised by the manu¬ facturers in England, and the power of the British Government was exerted to remove the cause of complaint." IV prove the truth of these remarks, you bring forward Child, Gee, snd the Lords of trade, with a very tedious quo¬ tation from Smith's Wealth of Nations. That jealousies will arise between differ¬ ent bodies of merchants cannot be dis¬ puted, for instances maybe daily seen in your own country. While I am writing, the memorials fnr and against paying up jW fw*n«& fiAi tftmitoj <tnd Auctioneers, divide the mercantile interest of the Uni¬ ted States. Traders and Agricultural- ists are almost always at enmity, and per¬ sons employed in one branch of com¬ merce are frequently envious of those em¬ ployed in another. But thatsuch squab¬ bles should be attributed to the nation at large, nine tenths of which know noth¬ ing about them, or that they should be¬ come an article of accusation against the Government, is the climax of absurdity. On this part of the accusation the re¬ marks made upon the subject of political economy applies with equal force. Nei¬ ther the governed nor the governors un¬ derstood how io legislate upon Com¬ merce, ard therefore frequently did:harm with the best intentions. In quoting from Dr. Smith you are guilty of the greatest unfairness, for while you coliect his general remarks against monopolies and restrictions of trade and commerce, jou neither mention that till these principles are generally adopted, one nation cannot afford to act upon them, nor that she cannot open her ports to ev¬ ery other State while theirs arc shut to her. or guarded by high duties, restric¬ tions and prohibitions—much less do you mention, that while Great Britain con¬ fined some of your more important pro- duction* to her own market, so in com¬ pensation she gave to some of (hem an advantage in that market when im¬ ported from other countries, sometimes by imposing higher duties upon the like production, and sometimes by giving bounties upon their importation from the Colonies. Neither have you chosen to repeat from Dr.Smith, that Great Britain was a greater loser by imposing mercan¬ tile restraints upon the Colonies, than they were, and enimoqurMitly nofhrn* hi»t ignorance could have produced them- You likewise take care to step over the following passage in the 7th chapter of the -4th book of the Wealth of Nations, though you must have passed it in search¬ ing for the long extinct which 'you have inserted in your diatribe. " But, though the policy of Great Britain with regard to the trade of her colonies has been dic¬ tated by the same mercantile spirit as that of other nations, it has however, up¬ on the whole, been less illiberal and op¬ pressive than that of any of them."—- 41 Small" says Ramsay, k* was the cata¬ logue of grievances with which even de- mocratical jealousy charged the parent state antecedent to 1703. She treated them as a judicious mother does her chil¬ dren. They shared in every privilege belonging to her native sons, and but sftghtly felt the inconveniences of subor¬ dination." After mentioning the grievances, the Historian concludes with this memorable observation : vt The good resulting to the Colonies from their connexion with Great Britain infinitely outweighed the eul." It is but fair to remark that Dr. Ram¬ say speaks of the period before the agita- l ion of the question of taxing the Colonies, for after 1763 the irritation became so trreat on both sides as to lead to Civil War. The w bole of this section is writ¬ ten with the same fairness as a boy who, instating his treatment from indulgent parents, contents himself with mention¬ ing how often he had been reproached and punished) but conceals the continual acts of kindness which he is daily receiving. Your next proof of political and mer¬ cantile jealousy is an alarm occasioned iu the mother country by emigration. To (his we have already spoken. And whe¬ ther it proceeded from patriotism misdi¬ rected, or a feat that the Colonics were beenn.ing strong, at the e.xpence of the motfatr cotfutry3 it was rather matter of praise than reprehension, for it was m,4 then known, nor is k perhaps vet clearly demonstrated, that emigration increases rather than diminishes the population of the country from which it proceeds. There is nothing more in this section ofyourbook worthy of attention, audi am afraid that I shall be thought to ha?e entered more minutely into the subject than it merits, but it is no easy matter to detect your endless sophistry, and your tiresdme repetitious. You appear to be delighted with the subject, but with what success you have established a Criminal political and mercantile jealousy on the part of Great Britain towards the Colo¬ nies, must now be left to the public to determine. JJIOM VHK LEICESTER JOURNAL, 1 1'1'chav* gwat phaiTin in giiiiip-pvUui'uh tltefottninnfs <o_/,v.7, vpirikd, and KtU-n'mti Hesotuiiuvs* I TO THE SOCIETIES In the Conna Hon established by the late Rci\ John Wesley, A. M. City road Chapel, London, Nov. 12, lfci9. UI AH BRETHREN, The Committee appointed by the Conference, to guard the religion puvilegextt'dir Wodey&Q Methodists, hiving aba&rVeJ, with much con* cern, the ararrtutig [irojr^s* whicil u'fidelii.v and sedition ha>e recenliy matte ii» several j'ail>oi' the countrj , have ieh it to he an iinpriameduty ("declare, a< llns juiiciiu*.-, tlieit uiieraMior- rence of those principles which rn\e been ukjii*- trioosty dissetititiaiedjfor iJie purpos* ofullcaa- tiiii; the propic from t.'u-;. . 'Iiri an faith, aud from the law*, authorities, «. *I constitution of the realm, by persons who we.- know, thai tbe . Mirebi waj to separate man from man, i< tirQC to separate, tuaii from fJod, 6c timt the most cifecci- ual method off*-a;hi~p rebellion against the Btwre- reign, is to destroy all senw?ofthat subjection which is due to the Almighty, In order to com¬ municate to yon, as distinctly as possible, 'be sentiments of tire Committee on this important uecasirfn, thry l>a*>* Jioiight it pfi per loexpfCB them in the fuMoti ing resolutions-, which were passed unanimously at a lull meeting,fieldtto day : — t—TbatChristian communities, >\boaska- the handstfttu* civil £ovcriuneiil rite undisturb¬ ed and legal!/cd enjfiyroettl 0/ their religious Liberties?,are bound ro evince,liy their loyally, that Ihev desert* the privilege1* which thev claim; ht.ratici. IIilIi tipjits <tu<) ilul li a m 1- 1 11 ipfnca,' and the government that affords us protection is entitled to our constitutional subjection and tup. port. II.—That th* Holy Scriptures explicitly state it to he the Indispensable duty of t liriEtiaos, to be subject to the higher powers : to obey mn<n$. trates; to render tribute to whom tribute is due; honour (o whom honour; and to submit them¬ selves to every ordinance of man for the Lord's satfe, III.—That on these principles of civil obliga¬ tion, and in conformity to these inju'ictionsof divine revelation, this Committee feel themselves called ujion to declare to the connection whose rights they are charged to maintain, their vietw of the solemn duties which attach to the mem¬ bers of the Methodist Societies, in the preseat crisis of public affairs. IV.—That in the judgment of tbh : ummittee, it is,under existing circumstances, an important part of the Christian duty of the Methodist So¬ cieties to unite with their fellow subjects in ev¬ ery proper ai.:I *ti\\ful demonstration of attach¬ ment toottr free constitution, and of loyal to our venerable Sovereign in upholding, by every mean." in their power, ihe auihnritv of the laws by which we are governed ; and iu discounte¬ nancing and repressing nil infidel and blasphe¬ mous publications, a* well as all tumultuous^ in- llamma'or;., or seditints proceedings, V.—Thru it is freely allowed, 11.it members of religious secietto must always be liable, iu< common with Others, to thai diwts'ty ofjudg- ment. as to particular measures and occurren¬ ces which'is unavoidable on all subjects, and es¬ pecially in quest ton* of a political nature; aud that there is nothing in the precepts of Chrit- lianitv which interdicts (he sober and temper- a'e exercise, of the righ: of e.xpieviog sucb difr fereni opinions, when confined within the limit of those forms and usages which are allotted by our constitution, and subject 10 those &altltary regulation* and resfiXLillta which the lausofhV* land, and the principles of prudence and Chris- nan moderation prescribe, as Decenary lor the preservation of public order ami 11 .Uii|UiIity. VI.—Thar u,is Committee deem it 10 be per¬ fectly (oirivti'iit tritll the principles recognized iu 1 ho preceding resolution, Ml express at IM same time, their >tron(*; and decided dl>a|tPWW lion of certain tumultuous n-•cinhlic*. wh eh have lately been witnes-ed 111 several party ofinc countrv; in which lar^i masses of ne<'plchav« been irregulaily collected,(often iindrr haunts hf»rtr*<j, th«* iM»»'i hiw-!. imr u.(| inttyl On •- n*i'ritt* tions,) consisting, to a considerable extent, 01 persons not resident in the places where such meetings have been held ; and calculated, both from the Infidel principles, the wild and delusive political theories r.nd ihe violent and inflamma¬ tory declamations, of many who have appeared as leaders on such occasions, not to afford the op¬ portunity of public deliberation, nor to effect a- ny one object of public utility, but to bring all government into contcn'pt, and to introduce u- niversal discontent, insubordination, and anar¬ ch v. VII.—That, from such public meetings, this Committee strongly exhort the members of the Methodist Societies most conscientiously toab- stain ;a duty which they owe to God and to their country; to the Government, from which we, as a body, have received so many instances of pro- lection, Co the venerated memory of Mr. Wesley their founder, who was always distinguished for his loyalty ; to the ca Use of religion in general, which cannot he more f«re|itjj wrumdedand dis¬ graced than by appear!I ;\ 10 be iu rr.onstrous and uniiaiural lounecfuiii with plans of civil dis¬ organization ■ and to tire pi mciples ami charac¬ ter otiheir ou n (hrii.aa community in parlic- ular,whichhasalw;iN>. b\ n> public nets and lu- cal influence, op|io-cd i:-elf 10 the spirit of j'*»- liiica! di>arfeciiuo and vioVnee, and inculcated 011 its membeo thai tluv >hould iear God, hon- ■ or the Kii g, and ;::eddleaot with rr.cji tbataro given to chan^:'. VIII,—Tli.it this Committee having beariW the existence, in cerlaiu piace^, of private polit¬ ical aSMMuaiions, illegally organized, for the pur¬ pose of violently accniaplisiiiu^ political chan¬ ges ; and such private u^ociulioni, br?idestlieir notorious contrariety In 'he laws of the countryt being most unquoiionablv a direct violatioa of tbe principles of Christian obedience taught in the Holy Scriptures,of the rules of the Method¬ ist connection, and of the repealed exhortation* and injunctions which have been from time to time addressed to the Societies by the Confer¬ ence ; they solemnl v recommend it to the 1 tea¬ chers, to warn the member* of their respective flocL?, to be on their guard against any ailcmpn which may be made to attach 1 hem to such com¬ binations. IX.—That this Committee also most catltfWj recommend to ihe Preachers, that any pei>»ns connected with out body, who shall be found» persist, after due admonition, in identiiy'W themselves with the factious and disloyal either in the public meetings or private associations described in the preceding resolutions, shattW forthwith expelled from the Society, according to our established rules. X.—That ti.i> Committer have received, vvuh cordial •atisfariion. the assurances of ihe WTO aplril ;tad peaceable demeaucyr cf our iioctciir*